"A nonviolent approach to peace -- is it possible?" with Peter Ackerman

 

A military front is the most obvious plan in seeking an immediate effect, but the long-term ideal of achieving peace will require a much more nonviolent approach.

Part of the series: Reflections on a Changed World
September 18, 2002, added to FaithandValues.com in January 2003.

 

The war on terrorism has begun, and it can be difficult to know what progress has been made. A military front is the most obvious plan in seeking an immediate effect, but the long-term ideal of achieving peace will require a much more nonviolent approach. Is this possible? Is this realistic to expect? What role can everyday citizens of the world play in all of this?

Dr. Ackerman is a well-known scholar and lecturer in the field of nonviolent conflict. His first book Strategic Nonviolent Conflict: The Dynamics of People Power in the Twentieth Century (co-authored with Christopher Kruegler), published in 1994, was used in research and development of the recent PBS series A Force More Powerful. His second book, A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict was co-authored with Jack DuVall and published by St. Martin's Press in 2000. Dr. Ackerman is currently chairman of the board of overseers at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, and also sits on the boards of CARE, the Cato Institute, and the Freedom House. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Executive Council of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. He also now serves as chair of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict.

Dr. Ackerman's comments came during a live spirituality.com online event on September 18, 2002, as a part of the series, Reflections on a Changed World. He was responding to questions from the audience. Following is a transcript of the discussion:

SPIRITUALITY.COM HOST: Dr. Ackerman, it's a pleasure having you join us. Let's go ahead and get to the questions.

MagicMike: At this point, is a war with Iraq inevitable? Is there any hope?

DR. ACKERMAN: There is definitely hope. President Bush laid out a series of conditions, some of which are more critical than others, including full identification and elimination of weapons of mass destruction. Assuming that can be accomplished in a timely way, then the impetus for an invasion would largely evaporate.

Mass_Ave: What is the first step toward nonviolent resolutions?

DR. ACKERMAN: Let's define terms. The work I have been involved with relates to the subject of civilian-based resistance or nonviolent conflict. This is a strategic set of issues related to the best way to link up strikes, boycotts, protests, economic sabotage and other forms of pressure to undermine the basis for dictatorship or foreign occupation. The subject is not primarily focused on conflict resolution but on how to bring pressure to bear by civilians who want a transition to democracy. The idea of nonviolent resolution of conflict is much different than the idea of civilian resistance. The latter has been used in Chile, the Philippines (which coined the phrase "people power" to throw out abusive rulers), Poland. A strategy of nonviolent resistance is being actively formulated in Zimbabwe, Iran, Cuba, China, Byelorussia, Chechnya, among other places in the world.

Peaceful: Many people think that nonviolent resistance is very passive, but that is a big misconception. Do you agree?

DR. ACKERMAN: Absolutely! nonviolent resistance is active, aggressive, and packs a wallop! If we defined a wallop as something intended to undermine the power and support of a tyrant or dictator. The theory underlying nonviolent resistance, as to why it succeeds, would include the observation that in the cases mentioned above that were successful and most recently in Serbia, nonviolent resistance undermined the loyalty of the police of the dictator, Milsosevic. I just produced a documentary called "Bringing down a Dictator" which aired nationally and tells the story.

Progress: Has Iraq's offer to the UN for reintroducing inspectors made any difference?

DR. ACKERMAN: It is too early to tell. From a tactical point of view it seems like this quick response could diffuse the support of those like France and Russia who are naturally lukewarm to any military action. Clearly this is going to be a back and forth process with America being the most skeptical of Saddam's behavior. We will all watch with interest.

Philip: Why isn't military force a good means of resolving the threat that Iraq and Saddam Hussein poses to the world and my country, the United States?

DR. ACKERMAN: It might be the best response but that is too simple an answer because you need to contemplate what kind of military force would be the most successful. As defined by the goals of regime change, coupled with reduction of casualties among Iraqi civilians, coupled with issues of what is more likely to create a more stable and democratic Iraq when the fighting is over.

It is more than the theoretical possibility that a military action could bring great benefit to the region but make no mistake, the opposite could also be true. With Saddam using chemical or biological weapons during the conflict with large civilian casualties leading to resentment of America and its allies and, not the least, significant casualties among American troops because of the danger of fighting in cities, opposed to the desert as the allies did a decade ago.

Tigger: Any chance military leaders, like the president, will ever think of nonviolent methods instead of war?

DR. ACKERMAN: The issue isn't either/or—nonviolent resistance or military invasion. The issue is how to design a process that will maximize our interests and those of the world as defined in a previous answer. The key to a nonviolent resistance movement in Iraq is to ignite disperse pockets of dissent, recognizable to the Republican Guard and other so-called loyalists to Saddam. (To aid in their defection) If the civilian population rises up militarily, these same people around Saddam will be physically threatened and will likely move more snugly under his embrace.

The virtue of the nonviolent resistance movement is that it dissipates the loyalties and creates the splits that leave Saddam much weaker. This effort is worthwhile whether or not we undertake military action. This is something that should be thought about right now.

Without being specific, let me say that I have firsthand knowledge that it is being considered. The possibilities of nonviolent resistance are being considered as we speak among US government officials. For this, I am grateful.

Tortilla: I feel helpless in stopping the war—what can just one person do?

DR. ACKERMAN: Pray! And know the right set of ideas will unfold to keep everyone safe.

Butternut: Are you a spiritual person? If so, how does that play into your line of work?

DR. ACKERMAN: Let me answer this impersonally. The ideas underlying nonviolent resistance and civilian-based defense are best expressed strategically, rather than morally, as you would see with the concepts of passive resistance or non-violence. But the power of civilian-based resistance or nonviolent conflict is that it can only be used in the service of those seeking justice and democracy. It is very difficult, if not impossible, for nonviolent techniques of warfare to be put in the service of base goals like the accretion of power or wealth, or the domination of one society over another.

I have never seen a successful nonviolent invasion of a country against its neighbor. So if the goals are consistent with spiritually progressive motivations, one could assume further that there would be parties amongst your opponents that would be responsive to these nonviolent pressures. In the sense that it would ignite their desire to act in a humanitarian way, rather than obey the dictates of a tyrant who is willing to use all forms of horrible oppression.

Expressed differently, nonviolent resistance works because not everyone is as ready to commit human rights violations as is the man at the top. And if that is the case, the potential exists to split the loyalties of the police and military who want to behave more like children of God and less like perpetrators of crimes against humanity. Nonviolent resistance exploits this conflict within individuals who seem to be in opposition but in the end may behave very differently.

Wondering: Are there fewer wars than there were 2,000 years ago?

DR. ACKERMAN: I don't know, but there are parties who follow these statistics. You might try to contact one of them.

Queenie: What is a recent example of successful nonviolent resistance?

DR. ACKERMAN: The overthrow of Milosevic. Dramatic, decisive and surprising.

Kippy: What are some of the key objective with nonviolent resistance?

DR. ACKERMAN: The most important one is to overthrow a dictator or expel an invader, both who are ruling corruptly and with excessive force. Unfortunately there are many of those cases still in the world. Iraq, Iran, North Korea, Cuba, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Sudan, to create a partial list.

TiffR: You published your first book back in 1994. Since that time…on a global level…have things gotten better or worse?

DR. ACKERMAN: That is an excellent question! But of course, hard to answer. If you are asking whether there are fewer casualties from conflict in the world on average over the past few decades the answer would probably be yes.

The way I would think of answering the question is "How dangerous is the world today? Is it more dangerous than the past few decades?" There I would probably say it is less dangerous but it is not entirely clear that is the case. The greatest threat until the end of the Cold War was the carnage of battles between massed armies. Today the greatest threat to loss of life is weapons of mass destruction (chemical, biological, nuclear) delivered by a few disgruntled individuals. Those weapons, which used to be under the control of governments, are now far more portable and able to be concealed. This is a new threat requiring new methods to deal with it both from a material and conceptual point of view. You could deter the Soviet Union shooting a missile at the United Stated by threatening immediate massive response. There is no similar means of deterrence against small groups of individuals prepared to die for their beliefs.

Philip: What do you think the goal of the people in Iraq should be, if they were to gather to bring nonviolent resistance?

DR. ACKERMAN: That's easy—a free united country with private property, contracts, and open and competitive political processes, respectful of individual rights and tolerant of all religions and ethnicities.

Stephie: How can we rally civilians of other countries like Iran or Iraq to form a nonviolent resistance?

DR. ACKERMAN: Two ways. One—training; and two—helping them develop independent sources of communication so many in Iraq can express dissent at reasonable levels of risk. If enough people can express dissent simultaneously, this can create an overwhelming force. An example of the power of communication systems—the Philippines in their opposition of Estrada was very successful in using short text messaging to rally people to certain points to create a leadership structure to organize various forms of dissent. We should be thinking of how to do similar things in Iraq. The US and Europe were successful with the provisioning of this kind of aid to the student movement and other movements in Serbia after the bombing of Kosovo.

Rebecca: What are the countries where you think nonviolent resistance might realistically work today?

DR. ACKERMAN: I don't know what realistically means. Every place it was successful in the past 20 years it was considered to be unrealistic. So the real ideal is to make them more vulnerable to a nonviolent resistance. The first is the "know-how" and courage of the general population. The second is the ability to undermine the pillars of support enjoyed by the opponent. Interestingly, the willingness to be brutal is not necessarily to make you the most vulnerable opponent. In fact, in some cases, a brutal dictator is also a brittle dictator. His hold on his military and police is becoming tenuous. This may be the case with Saddam as we speak.

Kab: Could you go into a little detail about how Milosevic was overthrown?

DR. ACKERMAN: The bombing over Kosovo occurred in the middle of 1999. After it ended, latent opposition forces began to develop independent pockets of opposition in 70 cities and villages throughout Serbia. They sought friendships with the local police, leafleted all over these areas talking about Milosevic's vulnerabilities. They hit a common chord with the common person suffering economically through four wars. Otpor, a student group, was successful in uniting for the first time 14 opposition groups to rally around another candidate to oppose Milosevic when he called elections on July 27, 2000. He called those because he knew his power was eroding and this would reestablish legitimacy.

After being resoundly defeated in December 2000, Milosevic tried to defraud the election. At this point all the preparation of the prior eight months (and longer) paid off. First, the coal miners union went on a general strike. Elements of the entire population started to flow into Belgrade, which led to the police and military being unwilling to stand up to them and to disperse them. Once it became clear that the police would not be helpful, Milosevic had to concede. Which he did. On the final day not one shot was fired. Only two people died in Belgrade. One of a heart attack in the crowd and another in a traffic accident miles away from the Parliament building.

Decker: Do you think the events of 9/11 will help or hurt society in embracing more nonviolent tactics?

DR. ACKERMAN: It is not clear what will be the result, except to say that these horrible events were a wake-up call for strategic theorists as well as the population at large to think in new and conventional ways, about how America relates to the world.

Iggy: Who are some of your heroes or mentors in this field?

DR. ACKERMAN: The man I studied under is Gene Sharp, who wrote a book called The Politics of Nonviolent Action. I recommend this book to you. It is the primer for the field.

Cordy: You said something earlier about the decision between military and non-violence resistance not being a question of either/or, but a mix. How does one know the right mix of these to put in place?

DR. ACKERMAN: Excellent question! They each have their separate purposes. Military invasion makes sense when conducted by those with a strong military superiority. Hence, the US Armed Forces become the logical player. Nonviolent resistance is conducted by a local population with the means available in their everyday civilian life. Arming them makes no sense. So the question to the best mix—it is really what can each contribute to the ultimate goals in any particular point in time and which contribution at any point in time is more valuable. That is a very situation driven estimate to me. Nearly impossible to do before the conflict begins.

Gstaples: I have seen the power of peer mediation and conflict resolution in secondary schools. Are these programs helpful in working toward world peace? Are these programs happening in other parts of the world?

DR. ACKERMAN: I don't know enough about mediation techniques except to say they are well integrated into diplomatic practice. And therefore an important component in defining the final disposition of the battle, once it is over, or in preventing the battle from starting in the first place. Nonviolent conflict is focused on that intermediate place where the conflict could not be avoided and yet to be resolved. Therefore it is an alternate form of weapon to be wielded to maximize a population's interest in seeking freedom.

Stephie: It seems the relations between countries are far more delicate than they used to be, for all the reasons you mentioned. But would a nonviolent resistance produce results quickly enough to alleviate the threat of nuclear attack?

DR. ACKERMAN: That is a very difficult question to answer in the abstract except to say that there are 47 countries that are not democracies in the world today and directly or indirectly they are the source of the most dangerous threats to world peace and offer the most significant risk in terms of loss of life.

SPIRITUALITY.COM HOST: We are just about out of time, and I know we could go on much longer. Any thoughts to leave us with Dr. Ackerman?

DR. ACKERMAN: I appreciate the questions I have received. I hope I have answered them clearly and that you've been exposed interesting new perspectives on the nature of conflict. Thank you again.

SPIRITUALITY.COM HOST: Thanks so much for joining us, Dr. Ackerman. It has been a pleasure.

 

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